MHS Transactions, Series 3, 1964-65 season
|
The purpose of this paper is to examine the origins of the dual confessional system of education in the Red River Settlement, particularly during the proprietary rule of the Selkirk family from 1811 to 1834.
The first Europeans and Métis at Red River were neither entirely ignorant nor were they devoid of any desire for schooling for their children. The Hudson's Bay Company did not neglect its servants entirely: in 1808, it sent out James Clouston, Peter Sinclair and George Geddes to act as teachers at some of the posts, paying each of these schoolmasters an annual salary of £30. In addition, many of the factors who took Indian wives sent their children to Great Britain or Canada to be educated. This was particularly true of the Nor'westers after 1783. Schofield writes with justification:
The traders of the North-West Company were equally anxious to secure a fair education for their offspring, and so quite a number of the prairie people, in whose veins French and Scotch blood was mixed with that of the native races, had received a fair education. [1]
Cuthbert Grant is an example that readily comes to mind in this connection.
Our narrative begins more properly with the Selkirk settlement. Lord Selkirk had definite views about the nature of the colony he wished to plant at the Forks. His Advertisement and Prospectus made the following pronouncement:
The Settlement is to be formed in a territory where religion is not the ground of any disqualification, an unreserved participation in every privilege will therefore be enjoyed by Protestant and Catholic without distinction; and it is proposed that in every parochial division an allotment of land shall be made for the perpetual support of a Clergyman, of that persuasion which the majority of the inhabitants adhere to. [2]
Selkirk also wrote a pamphlet On the Civilization of the Indians in British America and another called Observation on a Proposal for forming a Society for the Civilization and Improvement of the North American Indians within the British Boundary. These pamphlets made a plea for schools, especially industrial schools, and for the sedentary settlement of the aborigines. He wanted the parliament "to authorize the governor of Canada to fix by proclamation the limits for the use of the Indian nations". [3] After the first contingent of his colonists arrived at Red River he instructed his Governor, Miles Macdonell, to do what he could to meet the request of the settlers for schools:
There is so much of a laudable spirit in their desire that it must be attended to, and it is in every view time that a school should be established. K. McRae is well acquainted with the improved methods which have been invented or introduced with such wonderful effect by Jos. Lancaster, and he could in a few weeks organize a school on his plan, if you can pick out from among the settlers a steady young man of a cool temper to be employed as a schoolmaster. Arithmetic with reading and writing in their native tongue [4] are the branches to be first attended to and I care not how little the children are taught of the language of the Yankies. [5]
That was the plan Selkirk had in mind. What were the actual resources in the nascent colony?
With the first contingent of Selkirk settlers there was a Roman Catholic priest, who might have acted as a schoolmaster ad tempus, and there was McRae, already mentioned, who could supervise education in the colony. Selkirk intended that McRae should supervise, not teach:
If McRae remains at the settlement he can examine the school from time to time to see that it is properly conducted; or at any rate he can give the Schoolmaster the necessary instructions for carrying it on and give you such information as to the method and principles of the system you can be at no loss to judge whether this plan is properly pursued and to check any neglect. [6]
The Lancastrian system was monitorial in organization and emphasized precision, drill, discipline - all virtues required on the western frontier at this time. Macdonell could not get along with McRae; besides there was no school for McRae to supervise. The abbe Charles Bourke, on whom Macdonell had relied so much to establish Catholicism at Red River, was found not only to have left Ireland without the permission of his ordinary, the Bishop of Killala, but also to spend much of his time collecting rocks he believed to be precious. Macdonell confided to Selkirk that Bourke was "only an encumbrance" to him and that he was "irregular and eccentric in his conduct as a clergyman". To Bishop Plessis of Quebec, the Governor explained his motives:
The leading motive of my first undertaking the management of that arduous tho laudable enterprise was to have made the catholic religion the prevailing faith of the establishment, should Divine Providence think me a worthy instrument to forward the design. The Earl of Selkirk's liberal mind readily acquiesced in bringing out along with me the first priest from Ireland. Your Lordship already knows the unfortunate results of that first attempt. [7]
The idea of asserting the right of Roman Catholics to hold public office was taken up again by the missionary Dumoulin in 1819. He wrote:
It is essential that there be some magistrates here; the main requisite is that they be honest, moral and Catholic; since the Catholic religion has been selected before the others to propagate the faith in these distant lands, it would at least be desirable that those placed in charge be in a position to authorize this religion, both by the wisdom of their decrees and the weight of their good examples. For what must these poor neophytes think when they find that the religion we preach to them is not that of those who command them and hold the principal offices? [8]
Bishop Plessis' reply eventually came to the effect that it would be necessary to find well-educated Catholics in the colony to fill public offices and these would then have to be commissioned. He saw a further difficulty:
But in addition to the fact that some of these magistrates would inevitably be Protestants, it is to be feared that the Catholics named for these posts would not be as exemplary as you would wish them to be; and bad conduct on the part of Catholics in such positions would make more scandal than would that of Protestants. [9]
Bishop Plessis knew his flock better than the young missionary did. The opportunity to establish Catholic predominance in the colony seemed to have slipped away.
Macdonell was concerned about the state of affairs at Red River and appealed to Bishop Plessis for clergy from Lower Canada.
Our spiritual wants increase with our members: we have many catholics from Scotland and Ireland, and besides those Canadians already with us, we are to have a vast accession from here. There are hundreds of free Canadians wandering about our colony who have families with Indian women, all of whom in the most deplorable state for want of spiritual aid. A vast religious harvest might also be made among the natives around us, whose language is that of the Algonquins of this country, and who are very tractable and well disposed considering the corruption of morals introduced among them by opposition traders in the free indulgence of spirituous liquors and other corruptive habits. [10]
This appeal was seconded by a formal petition in the name of twentytwo heads of families at Red River, seven of whom could sign their names, [11] taken to Montreal by Samuel Gale (Selkirk's counsel) where the Speaker of the House of Assembly presented it eventually to the Bishop of Quebec. Plessis wrote to Gale:
Sir, I have received from Mr. de Lothiniere the petition that you have had the goodness to transmit to me from the residents of Red River. No one is more convinced that I of the incalculable benefits that might result from the establishment of a permanent mission in that place, which up to now has been abandoned to all the disorders that ignorance and irreligion foster. I have decided to second with all my power such a laudable enterprise and one to which you have decided to lend such active assistance. [12]
The Council of Assiniboia and the Catholic church were committed now to do something about "the disorders". Bishop Plessis headed up a drive for funds, Governor Sherbrooke being of the opinion that his administration would likely be considered independent of both the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company which were at that moment locked in mortal combat. [13]
Contemporary records do not lead one to believe that the coming of the Selkirk settlers did very much to elevate the cultural level of the local population. Social-class influences are always important in education. There is little evidence to substantiate the view that the settlers were of superior cultural level to the "free Canadians" at Red River; indeed, the initial Selkirk settlers seem to have been largely ignorant, illiterate, and rather dependent on the Indians and Métis for elementary survival. The abbe Bourke and Macdonell were probably the only two individuals who were well educated. In any case, Bourke did make himself of some use by writing letters for the other settlers, according to the Governor's report:
He is very zealous for the increase of our colony ... He assures me that he can get thousands to come from the county of Mayo; he has written very encouraging letters to his own relations, and wrote letters for almost everyone of his flock to their friends in the same encouraging strain. [14]
An anonymous contemporary in speaking of the low cultural level of the settlers added that "some respectable families of a better class, comfortable situated in their own country, were also tempted by the offers of townships in the Grant, and the misrepresentations held out in the Prospectus". [15] In general, however, the situation was that "in the winter of 1810 and 1811, a number of poor Irishmen were got together at Sligo, and sent to Stornaway, in the Island of Lewes, where they joined other emigrants who had been inlisted or crimped in Scotland". [16] Governor Miles Macdonell argued that "the very liberal mind and philanthropic views of the Earl of Selkirk merit the cooperation of the chief pastor of the catholic Church of North America to carry the standard of Christ to that part of it which is yet in a state of barbarous idolatry". [17]
The Hudson's Bay Company felt some responsibility towards educational work at the Forks. In 1812 the Company sent our Francis Swords to be schoolmaster. Two years later the Governor reported:
Ten of the people whose terms are expired to go home in the ships; none of them would settle on land. One of them is Francis Swirds, who came from Sligo in 1812 to be schoolmaster. But being quite unfit for the duty and a troublesome fellow among the people, I judged it best to get rid of him. [18]
In 1815, a Scottish Presbyterian named John Matheson assumed the duties of schoolmaster and his tale is told in the Governor's journal:
Jan. 10, 1815 - Engaged John Matheson, Jr., for schoolmaster, the school for the present kept at the Old Huts, which are to be immediately in repair.
Jan. 14, 1815 - John Matheson, the schoolmaster, came up with his wife to the school house.
Mon. Jan. 16, 1815 - Our school began today. [19]
Macdonell indicated that the settlers had approached him for a clergyman (likely a Presbyterian) and a schoolmaster. He added:
Before I left the Forks in January, a steady young man, John Matheson, was got to keep school, for which I promised him a yearly salary of twenty-five pounds, besides all the charges for the scholars. The people in general sent their children and appeared well satisfied in this respect. [20]
On June 11 the Nor'Westers attacked the settlement and four days later John Matheson was among those bound for Upper Canada. Macdonell himself was taken to Montreal for a trial which never occurred. [21]
The arrival of the fourth contingent of settlers saved the colony in 1815. Among the new arrivals was a schoolmaster, George McBeth, who during the Atlantic crossing had started a school on board ship. Schofield comments that "it proved a source of entertainment for the adults as well as a benefit to the children." [22] The lessons were given on deck in fine weather; hours were from 11 a.m. to 2 p.m.; English Bibles were the only textbooks used. Once in the colony, McBeth does not seem to have impressed Governor Semple. The Governor received an inquiry from London about the role of the Hudson's Bay Company in education at Red River. A letter dated May 8, 1816 said:
As the Company wish to allow about £30 per An. in books for the instruction and amusement of the Officers and Servants of the Company, you will be good enough to furnish a list for that purpose and apportion a part for the use of the Southern Districts.
We shall be anxious for your report as to the books or tracts you would wish to be sent for the purpose of religious instruction and we are desirous for your opinion as to the prospects of success in civilization and converting to Christianity the children of native Indians. [23]
Among the 1815 arrivals was James Sutherland, an elder authorized by the Church of Scotland to baptize and marry. Another new arrival, John Poison, later (1881) gave this comment:
I knew the old catechist Sutherland, who came with the settlers instead of Mr. Sage, a minister who was to have come with us, but who remained behind because he wanted to have another year finishing his studies. The catechist was invested with authority to marry and baptize. He had a family ... Mr. Sutherland, the catechist, was a very fine man, and a very good man in the opinion of the settlers ... [24]
The situation in the colony remained unfavourable for any educational enterprise. The massacre at Seven Oaks in 1816 and the murder of Owen Keveny (leader of the second contingent of settlers), as well as another disbandment of the settlement, retarded progress. Coltman was sent out to investigate and the Earl of Selkirk planned a personal visit. [25]
When he did come to the Forks, Selkirk is reported to have said, pointing to lot 4 on which he stood, "Here you shall build your church" and pointing to lot 3, "that lot is for a school". [26] At that time the English-speaking community was without a school, without a teacher, and without a clergyman. The French-speaking settlers were not better provided for. Selkirk heard many complaints and he probably took down in shorthand on his large nails the conversations he had with people, which feat according to Nicholas Garry he did unobserved. [27]
The arrival of the De Meurons soldiers and then of Swiss settlers ought to have improved the situation. It has generally been assumed that it did. However, one eyewitness reporter, Nicholas Garry, Deputy Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company from 1822 to 1835, was of the opinion that the arrival of European mercenaries and Swiss settlers did little to improve the cultural level of the small community. Commenting on the inadequate preparations to receive new settlers he wrote:
... the only Alternative now for them is that the Families must take up their Quarters with the Meurons, who, though they have behaved bravely in defending the Colony, are still little better than a lawless banditti and, almost to a man, Drunkards ... The Colonists have been ill-selected, Captain de May, Lord Selkirk's Agent in Switzerland, having more considered Quantity than Quality, (he receives a sort of Head Money). The greater part of the Colonists do not appear to me to be fitted for the cultivation of the Country. Many of them both male and female were discovered to be bad characters. [28]
As if this were not misfortune enough for a nascent colony, Garry added: "The Heads of the Colony are men without Energy or Foresight and without Virtue in every Sense of the Word". [29] This was the social milieu in which schools were established.
From the foundations of the colony at Red River there is evidence that the French Canadians resented the Conquest, the opposition of the Hudson's Bay Company to the Montreal-based North West Company, and the fact that membership in the British Empire seemed to prevent the establishment of a Catholic hierarchy in British North America. Educational and missionary work in the West seemed to offer a possible solution to several related problems. Selkirk saw the presence of priests at Red River as a force for law and order which might stay the hand of the Canadian engages of the North West Company. Bishop Plessis came to see a Western mission as a lever to obtain the creation of a missionary diocese and so the formation of a hierarchy in British North America. The bishop and Selkirk had the good sense to appeal to the idealism and humanitarianism prevalent in England at the time. [30]
In 1818 Bishop Plessis appointed three young men to the mission at Red River and launched a campaign for funds. The parish of Kamouraska responded especially well, [31] the Nor'Westers were quite co-operative, [32] and the Governor-General personally subscribed to the appeal for funds and issued a proclamation in his own name. [33] This proclamation given under his seal said:
Whereas the Reverends Joseph Norbert Provencher, Severe Joseph Nicholas Dumoulin and Guillaume Etienne Edge have been appointed by the Most Reverend the Roman Catholic Bishop of Quebec as missionaries to the Red River ... I do hereby call on all His Majesty's subjects, civil and military, and do request all other persons whomsoever to whom these Presents shall come not only to permit the said missionaries to pass without hindrance or molestation, but to render them all good offices, assistance and protection wherever they shall find it necessary to go in the exercise of their holy calling. [34]
Selkirk made a concession of lands for the church and school and a formal indenture was drawn up between the Earl and the bishop. [35] Arrangements were also made to send out reliable canoemen, an Indian agent and interpreter. [36] Lady Selkirk assisted "so charmingly that she has increased by half the value", according to Dumoulin, the mass kit and the two expensive vestments she provided. [37] All this attention and official support had some negative results though. Dumoulin reported:
Mr. Roux has told me that the people of Montreal and he himself understood that they were bound mainly for the lands belonging to the Earl, and it was for that reason, he said, that the North West Company would not add to the subscription. [38]
One parish priest in Lower Canada came to the conclusion that Selkirk was pursuing his own designs without having to expend much money:
It must be admitted that Lord Selkirk, after having worked so hard for the establishment of a mission at Red River, is a little niggardly now that it is time to put his plan in execution. He is getting out of the affair for fifty pounds stirling, and he will have for use in his colony workmen, tools, etc. all at the expense of the mission. It is not honest. It should be His Lordship's business to transport in his canoes the workmen and the tools necessary for the establishment and to rid the missionaries of this care. [39]
Nevertheless, Bishop Plessis felt the price was not too high to pay for the fulfillment of his hopes.
On July 16, 1818, the three missionaries arrived at the Forks. An employee of the Montreal trading interests reported:
In Red River, the settlers seem to be taking a deeper root than ever; their crops of wheat appeared fine tho' it was only the 12th June when I got there. Since that date, three priests have passed here (Rainy Lake) bound for that quarter, besides Mr. Colin Robertson, Peter Andries (?), &c., with a number of clerks and fourteen canoes. [40]
In another communication written the same day he said:
You will be surprised to hear that we have now no less than five priests in the country, three of whom are gone to preach the Gospel amongst the settlers of Red River and convert the Natives preparatory to their entering the regions of the Blessed, and I am sure you will join me in wishing them all the success due to their laudable and enterprising spirit. [41]
Provencher reported to his bishop that Alexander Macdonell, "the grasshopper governor", had received them well, that the North West Company's bourgeois had provided all the assistance and supplies necessary and that all in the colony seemed "anxious to benefit by our instruction". [42] He added some temporal observations such as:
Our land contains a sufficiency of firewood and has prairies back of it. Lumber is scarce, at least that of good quality. We are going to start building ... There are no Indians here at present. [43]
To a personal friend he indicated they were already busy "instructing young and old, the former for baptism and the latter for legitimate marriage". [44] The enterprise promised success. Two months after arriving in the West, Provencher wrote to a personal friend in these terms:
Our Bois brûlés give us great hope, they are easily taught, they are generally intelligent, they will learn to read in a short time ... [45]
There were more people at Pembina than at the Forks, and there would be still more at Pembina when winter arrived, but Dumoulin had not been able to proceed to that southern settlement "on account of having no chapel, for there are still two cases that have not arrived". [46] As soon as it arrived he prepared to leave [47] reporting that Provencher and Edge were getting settled at St. Boniface:
The house is progressing very slowly; I hope, nevertheless, that a part of it will be ready for us to winter in. The lands that milord has given to the mission are altogether excellent; but for the present, at least, they can be of benefit only to the white settlers here. [48]
Dumoulin asked Bishop Plessis if serious objection ought to be made "to baptize young brules whose Protestant fathers are absent but whose infidel mothers wish to have them baptized?" [49] He had not seen many Indians about the Forks that autumn. The prospects for a school were passably good:
Up until the present time we have not found any Indian or Métis who has refused to receive instruction; they are all willing, without, however, appearing greatly to desire it; this may be on account of their ignorance, or because of the great difficulties which they see in it ... they imagine, if you please, that we shall cure them by our mere presence. [50]
The new year brought numerous communications from Lord Selkirk testifying to his interest in the venture [51] and one letter told of a bell being ordered for the church at Red River. [52] Bishop Plessis reminded the missionaries that emphasis had to be placed on educating the children in the settlement rather than catechizing those out on the prairies, therefore Edge's school was a most commendable beginning. He said:
I believe I understand from your first letters that Mr. Edge has assembled the children of the colony and opened a school. This object is more to be sought for the mission than the teaching of the catechism. He can attend to that in odd moments and you, all the time. We must be thinking of producing candidates (for the priesthood) and you know how long the road is from the alphabet to the study of theology. [53]
By the time this letter arrived at Red River, Edge had moved south with Dumoulin to Pembina.
At Pembina a very good beginning was made in schooling during the first winter. Dumoulin reported in January, 1819:
I am wintering at Pembina; I have many more people here than the VicarGeneral has at the Forks; the people all come here because the buffaloes are near ... Mr. Provencher seems to hesitate somewhat over the mission at Pembina; he says he fears it may not be in accordance with the intentions of those who have given their donations for Red River settlement ... Mr. Edge maintains the school at Pembina; he has already had sixty pupils, and would have nearly eighty if the buffaloes would come nearer. The little bois brules are extremely intelligent; some of them are proving to be very apt pupils; need is already felt here of having some sisters, or nuns; Mr. Edge is putting himself to a great deal of trouble for the instruction of everyone. [54]
The Bishop's reply to this letter indicated advantage should be taken of the aptitudes of the bois brules' children and that Edge should be encouraged "to ground them well in knowledge and virtue". Plessis observed that the gathering of Indians into villages was "more disastrous than beneficial to them" unless the authorities gave the missionaries "boundless authority over them" and unless whites were not allowed among them. [55] This was a conclusion that had been reached in New France as early as 1637. Dumoulin had opined that the Indians hesitated to receive baptism because they realized that once their children were baptized they would be obliged to have them taught. [56] Plessis was anxious for the missionaries to pursue zealously their mission because public financial support for the Red River mission was beginning to drop off. He said, "the public no longer takes the same interest" and added that "the affections of the populace are short lived". He outlined his plan of action to Provencher:
I do not see any sign that the government will be disposed to undertake any of the mission's expenses. It would be better, perhaps, if it should not be a contributor. We shall have thus more liberty and independence. I am banking heavily on the intelligence of the little bois brules, not only for the catechism but also for later teaching. Those who belong to partners of the North West Company or to other wealthy fathers will soon play a part in your school - provided it is established on a respectable footing - especially if their mothers be reclaimed and embrace the Christian religion. The re-establishment of peace in those countries ought to be favourable to education. [57]
At about the same time Provencher was writing to his bishop explaining his own ideas about the Red River mission. He wrote:
... it will perhaps not be useless to explain to the Holy See the advantages of being able to marry Protestants with Catholics for the sake of retarding the introduction of Protestant ministers into the region. The Scotch who are here often live together in concubinage that is often incestuous, because they are, it is said, all of the same family, and they marry among themselves without ministers ... If we had some nuns for the instruction of the girls, they would already find work to do. [58]
He was now more aware of the need for schooling because, Dumoulin and Edge having gone to Pembina, he was in charge alone at St. Boniface.
During that first winter in the West a rare opportunity presented itself to open a "school" among the freemen on the prairie. A well educated young man called Lagasse had come West, after failing in business, intent on recouping his fortune. Dumoulin engaged him. His version of the results was as follows:
Since this young man did not know what to do this fall, I advised some of my freemen to engage him as a teacher for their children; and he has gone to spend the winter in the camp, where he has more pupils than Mr. Edge and is, in a way, more successful; so that he will teach perhaps as many as fifty people this winter. He has about forty children, and nearly half of them will know the short catechism by Easter. I am extremely well pleased with this school; several will know how to read by spring; what makes it even more valuable is the fact that none of these children would otherwise have been able to receive any instruction during the whole winter, since the buffaloes have remained so much farther out this year than usual. [59]
Thus, within six months three schools had been estabilshed. At Pembina instruction was probably offered in English as well as in French. [60] Provencher preferred to report progress rather than unqualified success:
We are trying to instruct the people with whom we are living. They seem to be profiting fairly well. A considerable number of them are baptized and married. We also maintain a school but it progresses but slowly, the children being too irregular. They come, for the most part, from parents who live entirely by the hunt, and are thus obliged to follow them out on the prairies. If the country became more settled, and if the people were able to get their living by cultivating the soil, I think I could draw a better part of the children. Until such time as this condition is realized, I count on them very little. They would be especially valuable for supplying candidates for the priesthood, but as it is, the diocese will have to continue to furnish these for a long time. [61]
The chief problems in education arose out of a cultural factor-the Catholic community was largely non-agricultural and semi-nomadic.
In 1820, two more missionaries arrived from Lower Canada: Thomas Destroismaisons, who replaced Provencher at St. Boniface while the latter returned East on a visit, and Jean Baptiste Sauve, who replaced Edge at Pembina. [62] Edge had been unhappy in the West and Provencher had reported that he was "not at all the man we need". [63] Provencher had requested that both men sent out should be able to speak some English because, as he said, "it is a necessary language here". Sauve seemed to be very successful at Pembina. Dumoulin wrote:
Mr. Sauvez conducts the school very regularly; he has six pupils who are studying elementary Latin and French grammar, and about ten others who are learning to read and write. In two weeks we are going to give them a public examination, which all the notables will be invited to attend. [64]
No concession whatever was made to the children in the matter of curriculum. Sons of bourgeois and sons of lowly buffalo hunters would all be given a thorough classical training.
During Provencher's absence the Anglican minister, John West, arrived at Red River. Also, Nicholas Garry of the Hudson's Bay Company visited the Forks. Garry's comments on the Catholic clergy and the Meurons and Swiss settlers are interesting:
From Mr. Logans we rode to the French priest, a young man, quiet and unassuming, a Mr. Picard des trois Maisons. The Church is under Roof with a Spire and Poor Semple's wishes fulfilled . From Mr. Laidlaw's we rode through what is called the German Street, the houses very comfortable and clean, the crops excellent when the Grasshoppers had not been, nothing in the World could be finer ...
Spoke to the Meurons, who are chiefly Germans. Complain that they have no Wives, want farming utensils, but the Cause & Origin of all their complaints is the Grasshoppers ... [65]
So far as the priests were concerned the presence of this "third element" broke down the duality of culture and added only seven Catholics from about 150 Swiss settlers. Garry continued his diary entry on August 5, 1821:
Mr. Bird and myself mounted our Horses to ride to His house but just as we were starting I was informed Mr. Desmoulins the Catholic Priest from Pamina had arrived. I immediately crossed the Water and had much conversation with him. He does not approve Mr. McDonell's conduct . Mr. Desmoulins wishes to have at Pamina the same Grant of Land which the church has at Fort Douglas namely 50 arpents and a Wood which is left behind the church. [66]
Dumoulin's defence for starting a mission station at Pembina did not meet with much favour because Governor McDonell continued to insist that he "never gave any encouragement to the measure" and never gave any hope that "any land would be granted to the mission at that place". [67] Dumoulin pleaded with Bishop Plessis to send gifts via the Hudson Bay route to win the Indians to a sedentary way of life for he said they would be "won over with gifts rather than logic". [68] Besides, the Anglican minister seemed to have a similar scheme in mind. Dumoulin warned that West seemed to be "seeking control of the matter" and this would be, in his words, "very injurious to the Catholic Church". In a later letter to Plessis he said:
I do not understand why in Canada it is generally believed that neither the mission nor the colony will be permanent. It is true that we have lost a great deal through the death of Lord Selkirk, and that we have in his place a Mr. Colvile, who seems to me very niggardly; but the agents here seem not to be at all perturbed over it, and the other day I saw one of the chief agents of the Hudson's Bay Company, Mr. Guerry (if I spell it correctly). This gentleman has manifested a good deal of interest and confidence in me ... [69]
There were problems of an internal and more serious nature plaguing Dumoulin by this time. He wrote:
Concerning the Pembina school, there are fifteen children in regular attendance, besides a large number of children of Protestant parents who are being brought up as Catholics; here even in the summertime there would not be over four or five and still fewer in the winter. I suggested, however, to Mr. Sauvez that he come to St. Boniface for his school, but he does not seem interested. He is a priest for whom we must have forbearance until there is a new order of things. There is nothing more discouraging, My Lord, than the slight success we have with the ecclesiastics sent to Red River. It seems that Mr. Sauvez is about to abandon orders in spite of the mission's great need of him. [70]
This reverse he balanced with increased efforts in education.
I have determined to stop all building procedure because of lack of means; but in return I am going to spend a little for the instruction of a few children. I should like to take six of the most advanced, who can read and write, and lodge them at the mission's expense in a small house that I have at Pembina, and give them a regular course of study. Furthermore, I can obtain some aid from their parents for their support; if the buffaloes are not far away, their board will cost very little, for each of the freemen has offered to give me one buffalo, a gift that will help considerably. [71]
Provencher arrived back at St. Boniface on August 7, 1822, now elevated to Bishop of Juliopolis. Jean Harper, a young seminarian, accompanied him and was soon put in charge of teaching at St. Boniface. Provencher found that the school was "not much at present" with only two students showing much promise, one of them being a Métis who lived with Dumoulin. [72] Bishop Plessis sent books for these two young scholars the following year. [73]
When John Halkett, the executor of Selkirk's estate, visited Red River in 1822 he determined that the Pembina post should be removed north wards into Hudson's Bay Territory since Peter Fidler had declared it was situated south of the 49th parallel which became the international boundary in 1818. [74] A survey party from the American army confirmed this fact in 1823. [75] Dumoulin was quite demoralized by the decision to remove most of the settlers to St. Boniface and the order to close the mission station at Pembina. Bishop Plessis wrote to Bishop Provencher:
I think it will not be necessary to keep Mr. Dumoulin after this year. I have written him to this effect. The removal of his dear mission at Pembina, which you cannot longer delay, is bound to work a revolution in him capable of making it forever distasteful to him. [76]
Harper, at St. Boniface, continued to teach elementary subjects while Bishop Provencher taught the more advanced subjects. In a sense, it is correct to say that the classical college was founded in 1823. The two students in advanced courses were Senecal, a French-Canadian youth, and Chenier, a half-breed son of a man from Lachine who had settled at Pembina. By 1827 there were four boarders and in 1834 no less than six students were pursuing a classical course. The Pembina contingent moved to White Horse Plains under the leadership of Cuthbert Grant in 1824. George Simpson wrote in June of that year:
... upwards of Fifty families of Halfbreeds and Freemen ... have commenced their agricultural operations on a small scale and received every facility we could render ... The Catholic Mission enters warmly into this plan; they have much influence over those people and Mons. Picard the priest is to be established among them this summer so that I trust the plan will be attended with beneficial effects and meet your honors' approbation. [77]
Destroismaisons began services in Grant's uncompleted house. In 1827 Harper went to St. Francois-Xavier, built a chapel and instructed "some girls and young women" who could not come to the Forks. [78] In 1828 he opened "a boys' school conducted by a former clerk who does not know what to do with himself but who applies himself well to teaching school." [79]
The school at St. Boniface suffered severe reverses in 1825. The two scholars on whom Provencher counted so much were now described as "hopeless this year; one has gone since January, the other though still here, is entirely unfitted for the Church." [80] Two months later, Provencher took up the sad tale:
Victor Chenier, my other pupil, left a week ago to join his father at Pembina. He had decided a long time ago not to become a priest ... I had planned to entrust him with Mr. Harper's school, but he showed more and more that he was not fitted for the work, so everything went up in smoke -another reason for not missing next spring's boat if the passage comes gratis, as I hope it will, according to what Governor Simpson told me. [81]
Such were the beginnings of higher education in Manitoba - two students, both of whom failed out. The missionaries persevered: "our school is still going but there are few pupils." Provencher reported that his flock was so poor that "it would be necessary to make expenditures beyond our means in order to get their children". [82] During the winter months the wife of the mission's farm manager began to teach the girls to work in flax and wool. A long and severe winter, the disastrous flood of 1826, and the loss of some 250 Swiss settlers followed.
Hopes rose again in 1828 when it was reported that there was one advanced student at St. Boniface who seemed to be headed for the priesthood and who was of great usefulness in teaching others his mother tongue, Cree. [83] Nevertheless, the school was somewhat less than outstanding:
There are few pupils and the master scarcely appears suited to keeping it on a sound footing. This gentleman seems to me to be little suited for these isolated places. He possesses no firmness, little ingenuity or resourcefulness, speaking a great deal and reflecting afterwards, if indeed he reflects at all. He seems to me to have succeeded but little in his classes: at least he cannot write his language, and on top of that he has a high opinion of himself. [84]
When Provencher proposed to give the tonsure to his young Métis candidate, and the latter refused to enter the priesthood, the bishop proposed that he take over the school from Boucher who had discharged his duties "in a rather vague manner". [85] The following year, the bishop returned to Eastern Canada to launch another campaign for funds for his missionary diocese.
Back at Red River in 1831, Provencher was pleased with the manner in which Harper had administered the schools and proposed that Harper assume the duties of a superintendent of education. [86] Boucher, who had not returned to Canada after being discharged at St. Boniface, offered himself for the mission at White Horse Plains, a mission already served by the abbes Belcourt and Thibault. Harper did not accept his bishop's offer but decided to return to Canada. However, he did agree to ask his brother Charles to come out to Red River the following year as supervisor of schools, and agreed to consider returning himself, after two or three years in the East, with one of his sisters who could open a girls' school at White Horse Plains. [87] Meanwhile, Harper was succeeded in 1832 by a young deacon named Poire, described as a man of "good talents, applied to his task". [88] Nevertheless, he seems to have closed down his school during the first summer he spent in the West in order to go off hunting. Thibault was probably the best teacher in the colony, therefore he was asked to come to St. Boniface to take charge of two daily English classes required of the Latin students. [89]
Out on the prairie near the mission of St. Francois-Xavier the abbe Belcourt organized a school for the children of the semi-nomadic population but he soon discovered that the people expected sizeable gifts in return for sending their offspring to school. Provencher opined: "I have always believed that we should not carry on missions in a Protestant fashion, that is to say we should not buy students but we should win them by persuasion". [90] Belcourt also wanted to organize a Catholic missionary society to compete with John West's Auxiliary Bible Society; he cited the Propaganda's action in Ireland in 1820 as a precedent for his scheme. [91] His initiative did not stop at this. He began to write his own school textbooks in the Indian dialects and he requested a printing press, weighing someone thousand pounds and costing 50 louis, to facilitate his task. Provencher's reply was that he would have done well to heed Jesus' command to go and preach the gospel and not go and teach. [92] All in all, the bishop was quite satisfied with the efforts of what he described as "my numerous clergy".
An interesting episode in the development of the Catholic schools at Red River is the initiation of instruction for girls. As early as June, 1824, Provencher wrote:
If I succeed in getting a certain girl named Nolin, I am going to transform her into a Red River nun, and entrust her with the education of the girls. I would not object to having a girls' school on a firm basis before the Protestants establish one. They have been talking a long time of starting such a school on a large scale, without yet having started the actual work. I built a small house last year which I was planning to devote to this use. It burned down accidentally as soon as it was finished ... [93]
Angelique Nolin lived at Pembina with her father and her four halfbreed sisters. Her father refused to heed the bishop's pleas and obstinately insisted he required Angelique at home. [94] Provencher acknowledged she was necessary at home and since the old man was 83 years old she would likely be released from this responsibility before many years. In 1825 the Nolin sisters indicated their willingness to come to St. Boniface to open a girls' school. Provencher said in a letter:
They have the intention of keeping school, of working for the mission and making cloth and canvas. I have no doubt they will learn these tasks and teach others too. This manufacturing is absolutely necessary here to begin with. [95]
The Nolin sisters opened their school in January, 1829, and within six months their efforts were meeting with evident success. [96]
What support was given to these Catholic schools by the established authorities in the region? Provencher indicated in a letter of 1825 that the Hudson's Bay Company was offering him a free passage on one of its convoys, and this offer of free transportation for missionaries was repeated in 1832 and 1835. [97] The Company was willing to do this so long as the missionaries were officially listed as "teachers" and not as priests. Dumoulin had complained in 1823 that the Company was not inclined to give much support to the Catholic schools and even went so far as to accuse Halkett of ordering the Newfoundlander, Captain Bulger, not to provide the usual wine supplies so as to bring the saying of mass to a halt. [98] In 1824, on the other hand, the Council of Assiniboia, imposed tithes as had been imposed in Quebec after 1774:
The local Council, composed of the governors and other notables, has authorized the payment of the year's tithe on the same basis as in Canada; only that potatoes are to be included. A resolution has been carried to authorize it in both communions. I do not know what the Protestants think about it, but I know that the Catholics prefer to pay it rather than give six days, which are of little value to us because they are badly given. [99]
The local Governor also offered to obtain some black cloth, books, slates, dictionaries and gradus. Each year these gifts were repeated. In 1825, Provencher wrote that he had obtained 25 pounds worth of wine, sugar, tea, chocolate, rice, raisins, etc. from the Governor. By 1830, the Council of the Company, meeting at York Factory, voted an annual allowance of £50 for luxuries and £100 for buildings. [100] This custom of making equal grants to the Catholic and Protestant schools became so inflexible that when the Presbyterians eventually received a grant of £15 and the Anglicans received the usual £100 the Council voted £115 for the Catholic schools. [101]
The principle of duality was maintained as well as a certain concept of equality of treatment between the two sectors. These seem to have been the foundations upon which the early schools at Red River were organized. What did not receive legal or statutory expression did exist in principle and in practice.
The coming of Catholic missionaries and teachers to Red River in 1818 stimulated Protestant activity. The Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company informed Chief Factor James Bird at Ft. Douglas that they lamented their inactivity and that they were "extremely anxious to forward the Views of those religious Societies which are already established for the purpose of civilizing, educating and converting to Christianity native Indians". [102] The Committee wanted information on several matters:
The Committee would wish to be informed if any and what instances have occcurred and under what circumstances any Indians have become reconciled to the habits of civilized life.
Have any children of wild Indian parents become civilized and under what circumstances.
Could the parents of Indian children be prevailed on to permit their children to be civilized and educated, would they allow them to be placed in Schools for this purpose, would they be satisfied with occasionally visiting the children and could any number be so placed out and what would be the annual expense of clothing and feeding each child? [103]
The Hudson's Bay Company had reason to believe that one of the missionary societies would undertake to send out missionary teachers "if a sufficient number of children of the native Indians could be prevailed on", especially in the region of Red River. The Literary Chronicle told its readers in July, 1819, that there were already two Catholic priests at Red River and "schools have been established". [104] In 1820 the Rev. Mr. West was sent to Red River to build up the Protestant community. The Church Missionary Society aided him, the Hudson's Bay Company engaged him as a chaplain, and the Anglican Church expected him to serve all the Protestants. The Hudson's Bay Company understood his duties to include education:
We have engaged the Reverend Mr. West to go out as clergyman of the Red River Settlement, and he will also afford such religious instruction and consolation to the servants of the Company as the nature of the country and other circumstances may permit. He purposes to establish and superintend Schools at the Settlement for the education of the youth of both sexes, which will be an advantage and convenience to our servants who may send their children there for education in place of their coming to this country at a much heavier expense ... [105]
The Company offered some assistance by way of providing textbooks, and a loan of £50. [106]
Lord Selkirk was particularly anxious that the Catholic clergy should be informed of this plan in order to avoid hostility and weakening competition. To Bishop Plessis he wrote:
Although I have not seen personally the Anglican clergyman that is destined for the Red River, I have spoken very urgently with one of my friends, who is also a friend of the clergyman, asking him to recommend strongly to him to use moderation in his remarks on Catholicism and not to become involved in matters that concern only Catholics. I have been informed that he appears to appreciate the weight of this advice, only expressing fears of the proselytizing spirit that in England is usually attributed to Catholic priests. But I shall not fail to tell him that on his arrival in Red River he will find that the Catholic missionaries are busy instructing the Indians and reclaiming their own stragglers from their irregular and scandalous ways, and that the fundamental duties of their mission do not allow them time, even if they had the disposition, to trouble the consciences of Christians of other sects. [107]
Bishop Plessis passed this information on to Dumoulin at Red River, adding the warning to "be on guard against the fanatical zeal with which this kind of person is sometimes seized". [108]
The threat to the already established schools was obvious. The Anglicans had the support of the administration in the territory. Moreover, the fact that a Presbyterian community had been given an Anglican priest savoured somewhat of an attempt to introduce an established church.
John West wasted no time in setting up educational institutions. While still at York Factory he began his labours:
Observing a number of half-breed children running about, growing up in ignorance and idleness, and being informed that they were a numerous offspring of Europeans by Indian women, and found at all the Company's posts; I drew up a plan, which I submitted to the Governor, for collecting a certain number of them, to be maintained, clothed, and educated upon a regularly organized system. It was transmitted by him to the Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, whose benevolent feelings towards this neglected race, had induced them to send several schoolmasters to the country, fifteen or sixteen years ago; but who were unhappily diverted from their original purpose and became engaged as fur traders. [109]
The essential feature of the plan was the concentration of some 100 children at a central boarding school at the Forks to be cared for and educated at Company expense. The Committee liked some aspects of the proposal, a "very judicious paper", and kept it for future reference. John West brought a native lad, Henry Budd, with him for York Factory as he travelled to the Red River settlement. By the time he got there he had ten boys with him for his school. His purpose he gave as follows:
I had to establish the principle that the North American Indian of these regions would part with his children, to be educated in white man's knowledge and religion. [110]
With him also was George Harbidge, a company servant, who would teach. West believed the situation at Red River conducive to his work. He wrote in his Journal:
There was a large population of Scotch emigrants also, who with some retired servants of the Hudson's Bay Company were chiefly Protestants, and by far the most industrious in agricultural pursuits. There was an unfinished building as a Catholic church, and a small house adjoining, the residence of the Priest; but no Protestant manse, church, or school house soon after my arrival I got a log-house repaired about three miles below the Fort, among the Scotch population, where the schoolmaster took up his abode, and began teaching from twenty to twenty-five of the children. [111]
This school opened on November 1, 1820. Although West remarked that the Indian and half-breed children ran about almost naked "several of them had pleasing countenances which indicated a capacity for much intellectual improvement". [112] How could he extend the benefits of schooling to them? He resolved to make provision for them too:
... from this period it became a leading object with me, to erect in a central situation, a substantial building, which should contain apartments for the schoolmaster, afford accommodation for Indian children, be a day-school for the children of the settlers, enable us to establish a Sunday school for the half-caste adult population who would attend, & fully answer the purpose of a church for the present, till a brighter prospect arose in the colony, and its inhabitants were more congregated. I became anxious to see such a building arise as a Protestant landmark of Christianity in a vast tide of heathenism and general depravity of manners. [113]
This multi-purpose and integrated schooling was indeed a bold vision. West seemed to insist that if the Catholics first built a church he would first build his school. Father Destroismaisons kept a careful watch over West's activities and reported to his bishop:
The Anglican minister who came here last autumn is going to a good deal of trouble to bring his flock back to the fold. Unfortunately, he finds them far astray. He is troubled, and even more are we, to see the amount of drunkenness and many other disorders even in spite of the scarcity and exorbitant cost of intoxicating liquors. [114]
The Selkirk settlers were only slightly more frugal, and disciplined than the Canadians.
West complained that the halfbreeds did not understand English and then added that this was also the case with "a few of the Scotch Highland settlers, who speak generally the Gallic language". [115] However, when Nicholas Garry visited the colony in 1821 he reported that he saw four little Indian boys "who have been educated by Mr. West and who speak very good English". [116] He added that many of the Indians "would gladly give their children" to be educated. Garry reported that there were at Red River 221 Scots, 65 de Meurons, and 133 Canadians. [117] He reported as follows on Sunday, September 2, 1821:
Divine Service at 11 by the Rev. Mr. West. All the Swiss Settlers, who are (with the exception of seven) Calvinists, attended, and all the Officers and Servants of the Company, nearly 200 people. Mr. West is not a good Preacher; he unfortunately attempts to preach Extempore from Notes, for which he has not the capacity, his Discourse being unconnected and ill-delivered. He likewise mistakes his Point, fancying that by touching severely and pointedly on the weakness of People he will produce Repentance. Mr. de Husser, though a Catholic was present, showing a tolerant Mind and excellent Judgment. Mr. McDonell likewise a Catholic did not appear-very ill-;judged at the best, but this Feeling could not have originated in his being a strict Catholic as I understand he has very little Religion. [118]
It did not occur to him while at Red River to attend mass. He did put his finger on one of the basic problems in the Protestant community.
Tuesday the 5th August ... Passed the spot where the English Church is to be built. The Frame Work of a House for a School commenced . Spoke (to) the Meurons and afterwards the Scotch settlers at the Fort. They complain of high prices - working Six Days in the Year for Mr. West. The Highlanders desire a Clergyman who can preach to them in Gallic; feel very much the Charge of Interest on their Debts ... [119]
The Presbyterians were dissatisfied with an Anglican clergyman. However, the school seems to have prospered. West's entry in his Journal for May, 1821 read:
The 20th being Sunday more than one hundred of them assembled at the Fort for divine service; and their children from the school were present for public examination. They gave general satisfaction in their answers to questions from the "Chief Truths of the Christian Religion, and Lewis's Catechism". [120]
In the autumn, the Catholic missionaries became quite alarmed by the news that since the North-West Company and Hudson's Bay Company amalgamation the Hudson's Bay fort was to be given to West for his school. Destroismaisons said this would "retard the progress of Christianity somewhat". [121] The Harbidge school did move to the old fort but the transfer proved unfortunate for the Protestants because the Scottish boys were so far away from it that their attendance fell off badly during the winter months. West determined to have a schoolhouse built at a more convenient location. In June 1822 he opened a building "though it was not finished" and "intended as a school-house". [122]
The best report of the measure of success of this school came from Provencher, who wrote in November, 1822:
No other minister has come, as I wrote you would be the case, according to current rumors. The one who is here does not seem to be held in high esteem, a fact which renders him less dangerous. He has no chapel as yet, but only a school house where he has a master and a dozen scholars. He also has one or two little Indians, but they are not from this vicinity. He has, it is said, ample means for working evil, which I hope he will not resort to; that is to say, he has the possibility of drawing money for the support of his school. God grant that his doctrine may not take root in the heart of the Indians. [123]
His doctrine was not even taking root in Scottish hearts according to Governor Simpson. [124] Dumoulin seemed to know exactly what financial resources West had at his disposal:
If the government is not willing to increase the Indian presents, the Bible Society is certainly willing enough to be generous with the Indians here through Mr. West, the Protestant minister, who has received £350 this year for the instruction of the Indians. He wants to take twenty-five boys and twenty-five girls and make farmers of them. In addition he has received £150 for another minister who is coming here, £100 for a schoolmaster, £1000 to begin to build a church, and £200 for himself, not counting the £200 that he gets from the Hudson's Bay Company. These, then, are the odds against us, My Lord; but what will they be against God and the true religion. [125]
The comparative wealth of the Protestant mission can be attributed to the fact that the Church Missionary Society assumed charge of this mission in 1822. The Council of the Hudson's Bay Company, Northern Department recorded in its minutes:
The Church Missionary Society have voted large sums for the provision of two Clergymen and a Schoolmaster and Mistress for the instruction of Indian children, and allow other children to be educated in the School on payment of a moderate fee. [126]
Halkett had just visited the colony and had been rather cool towards the Catholic clergy. Provencher kept Plessis informed of developments:
Mr. Dumoulin did not find him greatly disposed to favour the mission, although he made no active opposition. He says that he appeared very favorable toward Mr. West, an Anglican minister sent out for the Presbyterians, who hardly ever attend his meetings. The Swiss do not recognize him either. I hope that with time we shall be able to win over some of these lost sheep. [127]
The extent to which non-co-operation should be carried is illustrated from a letter Dumoulin sent from Pembina to Quebec:
He (West) sent me word by the Governor to ask Mr. Destroismaisons to be good enough to teach him French, promising to teach him English in return. I have advised Mr. Destroismaisons to try to make use of him to learn English, but in such a way as not to teach him French, since he will know it only too soon, no doubt. He is also studying the Indian language. [128]
Dumoulin had given this advice before meeting West, although he said he had heard "quite a good deal about him". The only comment we have from West concerning the favourable financial arrangements for his mission are the phrase "a liberal provision has been made ... for the maintenance and education of native Indian children, by the Church Missionary Society". [129]
The Hudson's Bay Company was quite happy to see the Protestants and Catholics sharing the burden of responsibility for providing schools and teachers.
The Northern Department minutes read:
We consider that all these people ought to be removed to Red River, where the Catholics will naturally fall under the Roman Catholic Mission which is established there, and the Protestants and such Orphan Children as fail to be maintained and clothed by the Company may be placed under the Protestant Establishment and Schools under the Rev. Mr. West. [130]
Governor George Simpson reported to the Committee in London:
The establishment of Schools in various parts of the country where provisions are easy of procuration appears to us the only effectual means and in the first place it would require much persuasion and large presents to induce the parents to give up their Children ... Were the Indians collected in Villages the course would be easy and simple, as missionaries might be established among them ... In the neighborhood of Red River however, I think the experiment might be tried with some prospect of success ... [131]
The Hudson's Bay Company was not the agency for conducting educational work, however. The New Times, in an article of January 23, 1824, paid tribute to what the Company had done:
The Hudson's Bay Company have by their interest and co-operation afforded great facilities which otherwise could not have been obtained in seeking to enlighten the natives of the vast territory of North West America. [132]
Henceforth, the Church Missionary Society would be responsible for directing and financing the efforts. Benjamin Harrison reported to the C.M.S. on the situation at Red River; his most telling phrase was that unless a church were provided immediately large numbers "will form part of the Catholic congregation". [133]
The Church Missionary Society was very satisfied with the initial efforts of John West. [134] But the Society thought it necessary to remind him that his stipened derived "partly from the Company and partly from the Society" and therefore his time and efforts would have to be divided accordingly. [135] The Society indicated that it felt that the amount to support each student should not exceed "about £10 or £12". It also set the tone for all bodies charged with education in the region thereafter: "The Committee rely on your discretion in the selection of Children to be received into the schools, and in your paying a strict attention to economy in this department of your expenses." [136] Concern was shown for the education of the girls, and accordingly a young woman called Elizabeth Bowden, reported as "now going through the National School, on application from our Committee, in order to qualify herself for aiding in the instruction of the Indian children", would soon join Harbidge, the schoolmaster. [137] The C.M.S. had planned to send out another missionary to replace John West, who was due to return home to his family in 1822, but this was not possible. Therefore, West was advised to leave Harbidge in charge of the schools, "which is his appropriate department", and the maintenance of worship. [138] Harbidge was to be instructed "to proceed with cautious discretion in the discharge" of these duties, "especially, that he will abstain from entering into controversial discussions with the Roman Catholics and bodies dissenting from the Church of England". The Anglicans did not feel themselves in a strong position and therefore emphasis was placed on "the maintenance of a friendly disposition and conciliatory spirit". [139] Harbidge received a communication ordering him to "most cautiously abstain from whatever might give just offense, either to the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, or to the Christians of other communions". [140] He was also reminded that Miss Bowden, his fiancée, was to "devote her best efforts and as much of her time as possible to the instruction of the female Native children". [141] Harbidge and Elizabeth Bowden were married on October 22, 1822.
As has been stated already, there was a desire to avoid open conflict with the Catholic community. Relations had been strained by this time by the formation in 1821 of an Auxiliary Bible Society which would seek to distribute the scriptures and encourage simple devotions among the inhabitants. Nicholas Garry presided over the meeting at York Factory initiating this scheme; the Hudson's Bay servants subscribed £130 for the society. [142] Father Dumoulin wrote in Latin to Bishop Plessis "that fanatic on his visit to Hudson Bay with Indian traders established an auxiliary Bible society" which he described as being at once "recommended highly in heretical praises" and "fundamentally subversive". [143] Dumoulin knew about it because he had been invited to join the society and had been sent a prospectus! West reported that the Catholic clergy seized copies of the scriptures which were distributed among the Canadians. [144] The Bible society continued its efforts distributing English, Gaelic, German, Danish and French Bibles. In 1822 West wrote in his Journal:
During my stay at the Factory, we held the first anniversary meeting of the Auxiliary Bible Society, and were warmly assisted by Captain Franklin and the gentlemen of the expedition. It appeared that the amount of donations and annual subscriptions for the past year, i.e. from Sept. 2nd, 1822, was 200 1. Os. 6d. the whole of which sum was remitted to the parent institution in London; and the very encouraging sum of sixty pounds was subscribed at the meeting, towards the collection for the second year. [145]
The news that West was returning to England must have been welcome to Dumoulin. On the other hand, he was certain that West would lay charges in England that the Catholic clergy were using obstructionist tactics at Red River. [146] One evidence of hostility towards the Catholic mission was the fact that while the debts of the inhabitants had been reduced by 25%, on the grounds that the first Governors had over-charged for supplies, the debts of the Catholic mission had not been reduced by a similar amount. [147] On the other hand, Governor George Simpson had little use for West and on one occasion accused the minister of gross misconduct:
Parson West and Miss __ were encamped in Knee Lake when I passed. He will certainly take the Shine out of her before the unfortunate Clerk gets possession. [148]
This accusation was somewhat supported by Alexander Ross's comment:
On the whole, little as Mr. West did, he was the only Protestant missionary who ever showed the least degree of perseverance beyond the colony; had he dealt more sparingly in scalps and romance, meddled less with other denominations of Christians, and studied the Indian character a little better, we should not have altogether disliked him nor found fault with his intellectual powers as a missionary. [149]
Simpson disliked West's efforts to regulate Sunday trading, to curb drunkenness and to introduce more sobriety and piety in the colony. It ought not to be imagined that Simpson's stated preference for the Catholic missionaries was altogether sincere. He seems rather to have been anticlerical. He wrote as follows to the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company:
I regret to say that little cordiality subsists between the Protestant & Catholic Ministers at the Settlement arising as far as I have been able to remark from the narrow minded bigotry of the latter; the great bulk of the population are Catholics, and the Priests seem to make it more their Study to fetter them with superstitious ideas and thereby gain an influence over them than improve their morals or enlighten their minds. The Catholic Missionaries moreover do not confine themselves to their Clerical functions, but give their best support to the Petty Traders who last year frequented Red River ... [150]
He indicated that the Scottish settlers had refused to give three days labour to the building of a school and church for Mr. West because they wanted a clergyman of their own Presbyterian religion. But Alexander Ross was later to write that while West had claimed he had given "his heart to perfect the work" he had given little else because the Scottish settlers gave "their money and their labour", they "began it and finished it, with some assistance from the colonial authorities". [151] Simpson succeeded in having West dismissed in 1824 and his replacement in the colony, David Jones, was notified of the decision by the Church Missionary Society:
Dear Brother Jones - It gave me much pleasure to learn by your Letter of Aug. 29/23 that you had been brought in safety, by a gracious Providence to the shores of America ...
Circumstances have arisen to dissolve Mr. West's commission with the Hudson's Bay Company. This occurrence will deprive you of the immediate prospect of having a fellow labourer immediately associated with you. [152]
West, as Dumoulin had feared, did what he could to discredit the Catholic mission. In his Journal he indicated his thoughts:
Nor can I imagine that the system taught by the Canadian Catholic priests will avail any thing materially in benefitting the morals of the people; they are bigotted to opinions which are calculated to fetter the human mind, to cramp human exertion, and to keep their dependants in perpetual leading-strings ... While they multiply holidays, to the interruption of human industry, as generally complained of by those who employ Canadians, they lightly regard the Sabbath; and sanction the practice of spending the evening of this sacred day at cards, or in the dance . I thank God that I am a Protestant against such idolatry and ecclesiastical tyranny! [153]
When one mother wished to remove her two sons from Harbidge's school, West reported he had investigated the matter. He gave his conclusions as follows:
I was informed the Catholics were prejudicing her mind against the school, and that some of the women of that persuasion had told her, that I was collecting children from the Indians with the intention of taking them away to my country. [154]
These irritations aside, it must be acknowledged that West had successfully initiated the C.M.S. programme of education at Red River. This plan had called for 15 boys and 15 girls from the Indian encampments to be educated at Society expense, for provision for education of Company servants children in return for a fee, and for Sunday school during the summer months. [155] The fees were equally divided between the schoolmaster, George Harbidge, and the Church Missionary Society. West had had in residence, besides the native servant-woman Agathus, two orphan girls and eight boys. [156]
Our attention must now turn to Harbidge who attempted to carry on when John West returned home. A minute of 1822 outlined the C.M.S. role:
The expense of provision for the children will every year be diminished, as the garden ground and land are brot into improved cultivation. The greater the number of children the less will be the proportional expense ... With a view to carry into effect the plan proposed by the Society for the Education of the Indian children, a young man was taken out by Mr. West, who was educated at Christs Hospital and apprenticed to Bridewell. He appears to have succeeded in his management of the Indian children, and to have reconciled them to civilized life and habits of industry, and therefore seems well qualified for the charge of the school. If he were appointed by the society he would remain in Hudson Bay. [157]
Harbidge's first full report on the school indicated that a severe winter had resulted in poor attendance for four months. Sunday school attendance from March to May was also unsatisfactory. [158] The average daily attendance seems to have been seven, the figure which passed into law as the minimum registration for a school. Harbidge was certain that registration had declined because of the 20 shilling fee, which he believed was too high. On the other hand, salaries were not high. William Garrioch refused an offer made him in 1824 "to board, Clothe, and Educate twelve Indian Boys for a salary of £ 150 p. annum". [159] Garrioch calculated that the minimum cost of undertaking such a plan would be at least £178/17/6. [160] The Hudson's Bay Company seems to have continued to furnish some of the textbooks including in 1823 some "Sermons and Moral Lectures in French expressed in easy and familiar language suited to the Canadians. [161] The extent of the curriculum and prerequisites may be understood from Harbidge's request for materials:
N.B. By another year, we shall stand in need of a quantity of part I of the Sunday School Union Spelling book; Sunday School Hymn books (Silver Street, as we have them already in use) ; slate pencils; strong sewing needles, various sizes; strong thread, white and black; netting needles and worsted; buttons; two pr. large scissors, etc. etc. And it would be much to the benefit of the Institution to send cloth, blankets, soap, and other necessary articles for the use of the children. [162]
The Church Missionary Society in requiring Harbidge to give an account of his pupils - "names, age, natural abilities, moral character and proficiency" - required his wife to do likewise for the girls. [163] West had greatly encouraged the education of girls:
The little girls, I observed, would be taught to knit, and make articles of clothing to wear, like those which white people wore; and all would be led to read the Book that the Great Spirit had given to them ... [164]
Had the arrival of Jones made any appreciable change in educational policy? It does not seem so. The C.M.S. assured the missionary that there was no reason to suppose that "the separation of Mr. West from the service of the Hudson's Bay Company will alter the views of those who conduct the Company's affairs" concerning his work." [165] Jones was warned to avoid party strife:
In all our colonies we find that a strong spirit of party prevails, and the evils of this are generally, I apprehend, inversely in proportion to the extent of the community. Be particularly cautious not at all to mix yourself with any thing of this kind which may exist in the society around you. You will find this difficult, but it is necessary. [166]
Jones was also reminded that he was both chaplain to the Company and missionary of the society, therefore he had to "let the duties of each relation occupy their proper place without neglecting either". Educational supervision was part of his duty; he was exhorted to "collect as many children as you can, and impart to them as much knowledge, especially religious knowledge, as they are capable of receiving". [167] Jones replied that he regretted that John West had been "much thwarted in his views by the Company's agents in this country" and went on to say that he had two Indian boys of the Chippewa tribe who were willing to come into residence at his school. [168] As winter approached he had some apprehensions:
My parsonage will be habitable next week, though I expect it will be excessively cold, as it is of very inferior workmanship everything in regard to Missionary exertions is, I may say in a state of stagnation at present, with the exception of attending our little school, in which I take great delight. [169]
The Hudson's Bay Company, at a Council meeting held at York Factory in July, 1823, decided to encourage its factors who had Indian wives and halfbreed children to take a greater interest in education. The Council required every father to attend divine service regularly with his family, to address his children in his own mother tongue, to devote part of his leisure time "to teach his children their A.B.C." and catechism. [170]
By 1824, the weaknesses of Harbidge were becoming apparent. The Governor wrote to Colville:
The only boys' school we have is one kept by Harbidge sent out by the Church Missionary Society, but the fellow is quite unfit for this situation, stupid, ignorant, consequential and illiterate. Some of our halfbreed boys in the Colony can teach him instead of their receiving instruction from him. If a fit man can be had next season from among the Co.s clerks, we expect to establish a boys' school under the auspices of our York council, which would be beneficial to themselves and likewise to the Settlement. [171]
The Company also hastened to take action on a request from a certain Miss Allez to open a school for girls' at Red River: The Council passed a resolution:
That the same be established in autumn for the instruction of Female children of Officers and men in the service of the Company, and that in aid of its support for the present Year, a Subscription be opened for the said Officers and Servants. [172]
Nevertheless, Jones still reported that the Governor seemed well disposed towards his mission, that he attended church regularly, and that he said "that he will render all necessary assistance to procure as many native children from various tribes as we are prepared to receive". [173]
Perhaps, the Governor was desirous of sponsoring segregated schools - a Company school for white and halfbreed children and a mission school for the Indian children. Jones was now aware of Harbidge's limitations. He wrote:
Mr. Harbidge, during the interval between Mr. West's departure and my arrival, behaved with such austerity to all on the establishment that had our boats been delayed a fortnight longer I should have found the place deserted by every person connected with it . His abilities are not sufficient to maintain the respectability which his situation requires, as he can neither keep accounts nor teach the boys the common rules of Arithmetic. But his principle failing is a haughtiness of disposition which entirely alienates him from the affections of the Indians under his charge. [174]
Jones' conclusion was that Harbidge would have to be dismissed. Harbidge made a vigorous defense of his position and it would appear that Harbidge and Jones were as incompatible personalities as West and Simpson have proved to be.
In 1825, the Church Missionary Society sent out a teaching couple, Mr. and Mrs. William Cochran. Regret was expressed over Harbidge's conduct. Jones was given a rather unusual reminder:
Are you aware that you are at liberty to draw on the H.B. Company for £100 per annum, in addition to the £200, allowed you by the Society? If so, we should suppose that you would not find yourself straightened in your circumstances ... [175]
The hundred pound grant from the Company was offered also to the Catholic mission schools, of course. Jones replaced George Harbidge with William Garrioch. The details of his contract are not available but it is apparent that terms were now favourable. [176] Harbidge was not cast aside like an unwanted orange peel, however; the C.M.S. offered him a small grant as a type of severance pay. [177] Jones, who was quite popular with the Scots, probably in some measure because he had amended the Anglican service to accommodate them on several points, proposed to go to the Pacific region and leave Cochran in charge at Red River, where he had already assumed the chief responsibility for overseeing the schools. The C.M.S. did not approve and replied:
The consideration too that there are now two Churches to be occupied at Red River, forms an additional reason for you and Mr. Cochran's continuing together, not to mention the sanction which appears to be given by Christ to the general principle of missionaries labouring "two and two" together ... [178]
Jones went to England instead to bring out a bride to assist him. The C.M.S. had also received some information about a proposed school on the "lowlands". There was a refusal to countenance any move away from Red River. The accountants had also caught up with a rather large error in Jones' statement of salary. West had been paid £200 but Jones would only receive £100 because he was single, although in error he had been told he would receive the same salary as West had commanded. [179] Cochran, on the other hand, was a married man and therefore he would receive a remuneration of £200. Cochran was a very aggressive young man. In 1827 he founded the new parish of St. Andrew's down the Red River from Kildonan. Mrs. Cochran also came in for some praise from the C.M.S.: Her husband was told:
Your account of Mrs. Cochran's attention to the females is particularly pleasing. She is a true Missionary's wife in such engagements and as important in her sphere to the spiritual good of the Mission as you in yours. [180]
Captain Palliser has left a glowing tribute to Cochran's efforts:
Many young fellows, halfbreeds that were educated by him, bore testimony to his abilities as a missionary clergyman, for all agreed in testfying to the untiring zeal and energy of this estimable clergyman who, I was informed on all sides, was competent not only to teach school and preach fine sermons but to teach his disciples to wield an axe and drive a plough. [181]
Bishop Provencher concluded that now there was no hope of converting the Protestants in these parts. He found the English-speaking community growing more religious, and many were now quite devout and "made long prayers and for that purpose held home meetings as well as hearing preaching three times a week". [182]
Cochrane took it upon himself to manage the Society farm which was to provide food for the Indian school. He found that it was managed most inefficiently, the wages of the three farm workers amounting "to more than double the value of all they made from the farm produce". [183]
Between 1826 and 1829 he increased the acreage fourfold, balanced the budget and provided sufficient food for the boarding school children. Cochran urged that native children be made to work on this farm as part of their training. In 1829 the farm produced enough to feed thirty boarding school students but since not that number were present the surplus produce was sold. Cochran wrote to the C.M.S.:
As it respects the expenditure of provisions, the Indian School store has been kept as sacred as the Ark of the Covenant; no one has had an ounce of provisions except an Indian or an Indian boy. The boys have not been kept on allowances as formerly, the only ration to which they have been subjected has been the measure of their appetites. In regard to clothing they have been kept more respectable than in former years. [184]
Cochran was joined by the Rev. David Jones and Mrs. Jones in 1829.
Mr. Jones was thus relieved of all secular and domestic cares, which as the household, including the schools, amounted to seventy or eighty persons, were neither few nor light. [185]
Jones found on his arrival that Garrioch, who had charge of the school in the upper settlement, was in poor health and wished to give up teaching. [186] A certain John Bunn was recommended as a replacement but no immediate action was taken. Jones had made some disparaging remarks about the Selkirk settlers and so Alexander Ross took it upon himself to set the record straight. He objected to the statement that "few or no payments" had been made to the schoolmaster. He termed "unfounded" Jone's allegations that Garrioch's scholars did not pay their fees, or that "a bush of grain or potatoes, now and then, is all that came to hand". [187] Moreover, he remarked that at the Lower Church only three Scottish families sent their children to school. Jones had given a different account. The parents did not seem to value an education for their children and the scattered nature of settlement inhibited attempts to provide adequate schooling. Nevertheless, Jones reported in 1830 that "during the past Winter there were three Day School on a small scale in operation beside the Society school under Mr. Garrioch". [188] There were other problems too. Only five of the Scotsmen could speak English; the others spoke Gaelic. Also agitation for a minister of the Presbyterian persuasion had increased; "bigotry and resentment" also "mischief and agitation" had grown since Governor George Simpson had left in June. [189]
On October 1, 1830, Garrioch was succeeded in the position of schoolmaster by William Smith. [190] Two of the boys enrolled at St. Andrew's (Grand Rapids) had spent the holidays with friends in the Rockies and they had returned with five more recruits for the school, a development which was welcome and augured well for the future of the school and mission. [191] William Smith, in accepting his appointment, underscored the advantage of his twenty years experience among the Indians and requested "permission to draw my salary by Bills of Exchange on the Society ..." [192] Cochran's plans for an Industrial school at St. Andrew's had fallen through by this time. He expressed his own disappointment to the Secretaries of the C.M.S. blaming the Roman Catholic Bishop for the failure:
The Roman Catholic Bishop has been very busy in making use of certain tools to persuade the Indians that I was only wanting to drive them out of the River or make slaves of them. [193]
Both Cochran's and Ross' accounts seem to indicate a more basic reason for the failure of the scheme - the disinterest of the natives. Jones wrote to London for a woman teacher to assist his wife and be Governess at the residential school for Indians. The remuneration offered was to be £100 plus board and room. A man teacher was also sought at the same remuneration. Jones specified that he need not be a classical scholar as he himself would take care of such courses. There was some urgency in his letter to the C.M.S. secretariate:
A married couple might answer, but I would prefer single persons, as likely to be more entirely devoted to the work, and also more easily controlled. I write in the greatest haste, and my hand is very painful. I have nothing to add but try to send me both if possible, at all rates the Governess. [194]
By mid-summer, 1832, the school registration seemed to justify the expenditures of the Church Missionary Society. Jones reported:
Our schools are much as usual well attended, and progressing in outward knowledge, but as to spiritual advantages, we are still called upon to wait ... In the daily School, the numbers stand as follows; Indian children on the establishment who are clothed, fed and educated by the Society, 24; day Scholars, 38, making a total of 62. [195]
It should also be noted that a John Pritchard, agent for Lord Selkirk, opened a private school in about 1829 in a house known as "The Elms" on the east bank of the Red River below St. Boniface. This school later received grants from the Northern Department of the Hudson's Bay Company. There is a tradition that this school drew its boys from families of fur traders in the American West. [196] The Hudson's Bay Company again entertained the idea of subsidizing a separate school for white children. In 1833 an assistant was obtained in Scotland, John Macallum, and the Red River Academy, a school organized by Mr. Jones and the Hudson's Bay Company, began to offer intermediate and secondary level instruction. A governess called Mrs. Lowman came to look after the C.M.S. girls school. One of the girls of that school who later went on to study at the Red River Academy, Mrs. Harriet Cowan, has given her recollections of the problem in retaining schoolmistresses in the colony:
The first school to which I was sent as a little child was a boarding school in a house at Point Douglas. It was begun by Mrs. Ingham, who had come out from England in 1883 as a companion to Mrs. Lowman, who was brought out by Rev. Mr. Jones for the Red River Academy. As the youngest child in the school Mrs. Ingham used to have me sit by her side in the dining-room, and she used to give me the top of her egg at breakfast as a special favor. Like Mrs. Lowman, Mrs. Ingham married not long after coming to Red River ...
Miss Mackenzie was the second mistress after Mrs. Loman. When my Grandfather Bird married Mrs. Lowman it left a vacancy in the school, which was not filled until Miss Armstrong was brought out from England. And in a couple of years she, too, was lost to the school. Peter Pruden, who, like my grandfather Bird, was a retired Chief Factor, married her ... [197]
The Scottish Presbyterians remained unsatisfied concerning their requests for a minister and schoolmaster of their own persuasion. However, Jones' emphasis on education began to bear fruit. Alexander Ross wrote:
The drawling system gave way to plans for the introduction of a more healthy and vigorous course of instruction. Even boarding-schools, and an academy for the higher branches of education, Latin, Greek, and the mathematics, were warmed into existence; all quite new things at Red River. It is not uncommon for people with but little experience to leap from one extreme to another, and so it happened in this case. The Presbyterian party derived but little benefit, either directly or indirectly, from these measures, notwithstanding they were the result of their own efforts. It is almost needless to say they were too poor to avail themselves of the advantages held out by the boarding-schools, and of too low birth and fortune for the high school, as that seminary was exclusively provided for children of Governors, Deputy-Governors, and Chief Factors, the great nabobs of the fur trade. [198]
Although Ross seemed to neglect the Catholic educational work at Red River in writing his The Red River Settlement, he had no doubt about the duality of culture existing at the Forks. He wrote:
The Canadian became jealous of the Scotch, the half-breeds of both; and their separate interests as agriculturists, voyageurs, or hunters, had little tendency to unite them. At length, indeed, the Canadians and half-breeds came to a good understanding with each other; leaving then but two parties, the Scotch and the French. Between them, although there is, and always has been, a fair show of mutual good feeling, anything like cordiality in a common sentiment seemed impossible; and they remain, till this day, politically divided. [199]
It was this duality that the administration formally recognized in making equal educational grants to the two communities.
In conclusion, it does not seem reasonable to suppose that the first settlers at Red River were of a high educational level. Had this been the case then Red River would have been rather unique among the settlements of this particular period. The social milieu must take into account the social conditions in Scotland and Ireland from whence the settlers emigrated, the wretched conditions at the Forks, the social conditions of other comparable groups of settlers from the British Isles (e.g. Maritimes, Newfoundland), and the first-hand accounts of contemporaries who visited the colony. The educational achievements at Red River are nothing short of amazing when considered against this background.
It seems correct to state that the schools at Red River, Catholic and Protestant, were for the most part tied to the parochial system, were officially supported and made some effort at raising local fees as well. The religious pattern was not strictly denominational - it was rather a Protestant/Catholic orientation, the Presbyterians being served by Anglicans. In the matter of languages of instruction, the Protestant schools were for the most part English, and the Catholic schools French. Nevertheless, there was some effort in both sectors to make some instruction bilingual. Protestant and Catholic schools received subsidies from the official government of the region, but not on a regular basis and certainly not by statutory requirement. The Catholic diocese of the North West and the Church Missionary Society were the mainsprings of support and direction, as well as of administration, for the dual system of schools.
1. F. H. Schofield, The Story of Manitoba. (Winnipeg, 1913), Vol. I, p. 415.
2. S. W. Wilcocke, A Narrative of Occurrences in the Indian Countries of North America since the Connexion of the Right Hon. the Earl of Selkirk with the Hudson's Bay Company, and His Attempts to Establish a Colony on the Red River (London, 1817), Appendix No. II, p. 5.
3. G. Bryce, Manitoba: Its Infancy, Growth, and Present Condition (London, 1882), p. 138.
5. E. H. Oliver, Ed., The Canadian North-West, Its Early Development and Legislative Records (Ottawa, 1914), Vol. I, Selkirk to Miles Macdonnell, June 12, 1813, pp. 52-53.
7. Archives de l'Archeveche de Saint-Boniface (Hereafter cited as A.A.S.B.), Correspondence de Divers Officiers, No. 2, Macdonnell to Plessis, April 4, 1816, p. 6; also English translation printed in G. L. Nute, ed., Documents Relating to Northwest Missions, 1815-1827 (Minneapolis, 1942), pp. 4-5.
8. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 10, Dumoulin to Plessis, January 5, 1819, p. 33.
9. A.A.S.B., Registre B, No. 6, Plessis to Dumoulin, June 30, 1819, pp. 19-20.
10. A.A.S.B., Correspondence de Divers Officiers, No. 2, Macdonnell to Plessis, April 4, 1816, pp. 76-77; Nute, op. cit., p. 5.
11. Nute, op. cit., pp. 14-17.
12. Ibid., Plessis to Gale, February 11, 1818, pp. 24-25.
13. P.A.C., Series Q, Vol. CXLVIII, Sherbrooke to Lord Bathurst, April 29, 1818, part 1 cited in Nute, op. cit., p. 21, n. 17.
14. G. M. Newfield, The Development of Manitoba Schools Prior to 1870 (Unpublished M.Ed. Thesis, Manitoba, 1937), p. 10.
15. A Narrative of Occurrences ... p. 16.
17. A.A.S.B., Correspondance de Divers Offieiers, No. 2, Macdonell to Plessis. April 4, 1816, p. 8.
18. Newfield, op. cit., Macdonell to Selkirk, September 9, 1814, p. 35.
21. Nicholas Garry's Diary has this entry on June 13, 1821: "At 1 o'clock we approached the Long Sault and landed at a small Village where Mr. Miles Macdonald is living, now in a deranged state of mind". Cf. "Diary of Nicholas Garry", Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Vol. VI (1900), p. 94.
22. Schofield, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 127.
23. Archives of the Ecclesiastical Province of Rupert's Land (Hereafter cited as A.A.R.L.), Carton A, No. 1008, Extract from letter to Robert Semple, May 8, 1816, p. 3.
24. G. Bryce, Manitoba: Its Infancy, Growth, and Present Conditions (London, 1882), p. 161.
25. B. B. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and Its Rulers (Glendale, 1959) ; "Colt Coltman arrived yesterday from the Interior. He has succeeded in restoring tranquility to our disorganized Indian country. Lord Selkirk is making his way out of the N West by the American territory ... His Example in violating the laws is not one to set. He who boasts so much of his wish to introduce laws into this country but this sacrifices the old Motto where there is much law there is little Justice. Colt Coltman has issued no process against any of those concerned in the Battle of the 19th June and this must proceed from a conviction of the truth that the Half Breeds were not the aggressors - Cuthbert Grant goes down to Answer the charges against him for the murder of Keveney - he feeling himself innocent gave himself up voluntarily. It was not in the power of the Commissioner even supported by us and the H B to have taken him had he been inclined to resist." Dr. John McLoughlin to Dr. Simon Fraser, October 10, 1817, pp. 168, 169.
26. Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement (Minneapolis, 1957), p. 43.
27. "Diary of Nicholas Garry, Deputy-Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company from 1822-1835. A detailed narrative of his travels in the Northwest Territories of British North America in 1821". Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Second Series, Vol. VI (May, 1900), Sec. II, p. 136.
29. Ibid., Appendix C, p. 193.
30. A.A.S.B., Correspondance de Divers Officiers, No. 17, Selkirk to Plessis, October 17, 1818, p. 46; Nute, op. cit., Plessis to Selkirk, October 26, 1818, p. 163.
31. A.A.S.B., Documents Historiques, No. 2, Provencher to Dionne, n.d., p. 1.
32. A.A.S.B., Correspondance de Divers Officiers, No. 1, Angus Shaw to Plessis, November 7, 1815, p. 2.
33. A.A.S.B., Documents Historiques, No. la, Provencher to Dionne, April 25, 1818, p. 2.
34. A.A.S.B., Registre A, Declaration of April 29, 1818, pp. 13-15.
35. Ibid., Nos. 8, 9, pp. 16-28.
36. A.A.S.B., Correspondance de Divers Officiers, No. 7, Andrew Cochran to Plessis, April 27, 1818, p. 22.
37. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 2, Dumoulin to Plessis, May 19, 1818, p. 4.
38. Ibid., No. 1, Dumoulin to Plessis, May 9, 1818, p. 2.
39. Nute, op. cit., Tabeau to Plessis, April 7, 1818, p. 48.
40. L. R. Masson, Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest. Original Journals, Narratives, Letters, etc. Relating to the Northwest Company (New York, 1960), W. F. Wentzel to Hon. Roderic McKenzie, August 14, 1818, Vol. I, p. 120.
41. Ibid., W. F. Wentzel to Lt. John McKenzie, August 14, 1818, Vol. I, p. 152.
42. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, July 21, 1818, pp. 131-132.
44. A.A.S.B, Documents Historique, No. 4, Provencher to Dionne, August 15, 1818, pp. 1-2.
45. A.A.S.B., Documents Historiques, No. 5, Provencher to Dionne, September 10, 1818, p. 2.
46. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 5, Dumoulin to Plessis, August 14, 1818, p. 14.
47. Ibid., No. 6, Dumoulin to Plessis, August 30, 1818, p. 16.
49. Ibid., No. 7, Dumoulin to Plessis, September 10, 1818, p. 20.
50. Ibid, No. 8, Dumoulin to Plessis, September 10, 1818, p. 23.
51. A.A.S.B., Correspondance de Divers Officiers, No. 18, Selkirk to Plessis, January 12, 1819, pp. 48-49; No. 22, March 27, 1819, pp. 52-56; No. 24, April 24, 1819, p. 58; No. 25, April 29, 1819, pp. 59-62; No. 26, April 30, 1819, pp. 62-63.
52. Ibid., No. 27, June 27, 1819, pp. 64-65.
53. Nute, op. cit., Plessis to Provencher, January 6, 1819, pp. 183-184.
54. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 11, Dumoulin to Plessis, January 5, 1819, pp. 35-38.
55. Nute, op. cit., Plessis to Dumoulin, June 30, 1819, p. 239.
56. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 9, Dumoulin to Plessis, January 4, 1819, pp. 28-29.
57. A.A.S.B., Registre B, No. 2, Plessis to Provencher, January 6, 1819, pp. 7-8.
58. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, January 15, 1819, p. 193.
59. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 14, Dumoulin to Plessis, February 14, 1819, p. 48.
60. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 13, Dumoulin to Plessis, January 12, 1819, p. 44.
61. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Bishop Panet, November 24, 1819, p. 255.
62. A.A.S.B., Diverses Lettres, No. 2, Destroismaisons to Plessis, August 14, 1820, pp. 156-157.
63. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Panet, November 24, 1819, p. 253.
64. A.A.S.B., Letters of M. S. Dumoulin, No. 20, Dumoulin to Plessis, January 6, 1821, p. 75.
65. Diary of Nicholas Garry, pp. 137-138,139.
67. Nute, op. cit., Halkett to Provencher, August 30, 1827, p. 371.
68. A.A.S.B , Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 23, Dumoulin to Plessis, June 5, 1821, pp. 81-82.
69. Ibid., No. 26, Dumoulin to Plessis, August 26, 1821, pp. 98-99.
70. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 26, Dumoulin to Plessis, August 26, 1821, p. 91.
72. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, August 11, 1822, p. 366.
73. Ibid., Plessis to Dumoulin, April 17, 1826, p. 402.
74. E. E. Rich, ed., Simpson's Athabaska Journal (Toronto, 1938) p. 441.
75. Barker, op. cit., Dr. John McLoughlin to Dr. Simon Fraser, September 14, 1823, pp. 274-175.
76. Nute, op. cit., Plessis to Provencher, April 6, 1823, p. 397.
77. M. A. MacLeod & W. L. Morton, Cuthbert Grant of Grantown (Toronto,1963), pp. 88-89.
78. Bulletin, Provencher to Panet, June 18, 1828, p. 122.
79. Ibid., Provencher to Panet, June 6, 1829, p. 127.
80. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, June 12, 1825, pp. 429-430.
81. Ibid., Provencher to Plessis, August 8, 1825, pp. 432-433.
82. Bulletin, Provencher to Plessis, February 2, 1826, p. 111.
83. Bulletin, Provencher to Panet, June 18, 1828, p. 122.
85. Ibid., Provencher to Panet, June 6, 1829, p. 127.
86. Ibid., Provencher to Panet, July 23, 1831, p. 121.
87. Bulletin, Provencher to Panet, July 23, 1831, p. 132.
88. A.A.S.B., Registre B, No. 25, Panet to Provencher, April 14, 1832, pp. 102-103.
89. Bulletin, Provencher to Signay, July 16, 1834, p. 137.
91. A.A.S.B., Registre B, No. 26, Signay to Provencher, April, 1833, pp. 118-119.
92. Bulletin, Provencher to Signay, September 4, 1834, p. 142.
93. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, June 13, 1824, p. 422.
94. Ibid., Provencher to Plessis, June 12, 1825, p. 427.
95. Bulletin, Provencher to Panet, June 18, 1828, p. 123.
96. Bulletin, Provencher to Panet, June 6, 1829, p. 127.
97. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, June 12, 1825, p. 429; A A.S.B., Correspondence de Divers Officiers, No. 54, James Keith to Provencher, June 4, 1835, p. 146.
98. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 30, Dumoulin to Plessis, October 26, 1823, p. 115.
99. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, June 14, 1824, p. 420-421.
100. Oliver, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 653.
102. A.E P.R.L., Carton A, Folder 1008, Committee to James Bird, May 20, 1818, p. 98.
104. Ibid., Extract from Literary Chronicle, July 17, 1819.
105. A.E.P.R.L., Carton A, Folder 1008, Committee to William Williams, May 25, 1820, p. 186.
106. Ibid, W. S. to John West, May 17, 1820, p. 194; Extract of letter to John Rae, May 26, 1820, p. 198.
107. Nute, op. cit., Selkirk to Plessis, December 30, 1819.
108. Ibid., Plessis to Dumoulin, April 10, 1821, p. 295.
109. John West, The Substance of a Journal during a Residence at the Red River Colony, British North America; and frequent excursions among the North-West American Indians in the years 1820, 1821, 1822, 1823 (London, 1824), pp. 12-13.
114. A.A.S.B , Diver ses Lettres, No. 3, Destroismaisons to Plessis, January 3, 1821, p. 159.
116. Diary of Nicholas Garry, p. 139.
117. Ibid., Appendix C, p. 193.
119. Diary of Nicholas Garry, pp. 139-140.
120. West, op. cit., pp. 58-59.
121. Nute, op. cit., Destroismaisons to Plessis, August 30, 1821, p. 329.
123. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, November 29, 1822, p. 381.
124. E. E. Rich, The History of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870 (London, 1959), Vol. II, p. 427.
125. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 25, Dumoulin to Plessis, August 11, 1822, p. 360.
126. Oliver, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 638.
127. Nute, op. cit., Provencher to Plessis, August 11, 1822, p. 365.
128. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 20, Dumoulin to Plessis, January 6, 1821, pp. 72-73.
130. Oliver, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 638.
131. R. Harvey Fleming, ed., Minutes of Council, Northern Department of Rupert Land, 1821-31, (London, 1940), pp. 352-353.
132. A.E.P.R.L., Carton A, Folder 1008, Clipping from the New Times, January 23, 1824, p. 223.
133. Church Missionary Society (Hereafter cited as C.M.S.), Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Minute of Benjamin Harrison, January 25, 1822, p. 4.
134. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Josiah Pratt to West, March 8, 1822, p. 2.
137. Ibid., Pratt to West, March 27, 1822, p. 4.
138. Ibid., Pratt to West, May 23, 1822, p. 5.
139. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Pratt to West, May 23, 1822, p. 5.
140. Ibid., Pratt to Harbidge, May 23, 1822, p. 6.
143. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, Dumoulin to Plessis, March 20, 1822, p. 84.
146. A.A.S.B., Lettres de M. S. Dumoulin, No. 30, Dumoulin to Plessis, October 26, 1823, pp. 116-117.
148. Rich, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 454.
150. Fleming, op. cit., p. 360.
151. Ross, op. cit., pp. 54-55.
152. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters 1822-1833, Pratt to David Jones, March 10, 1824, p. 10.
153. West, op. cit., pp. 121-122.
155. C.M.S., Mission Book, Regulations, p. 71.
157. C.M.S., Mission Book, Minute of Benjamin Harrison, January 25, 1822, pp. 2-3.
158. Ibid., Report of Schools, pp. 74-75.
159. Ibid., Wm. Garrioch to West, April 24, 1823, p. 68.
161. Ibid., Minutes of July 5, 1823, pp. 69-70.
162. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Harbidge to Secretary, July 18, 1823, p. 14.
165. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Pratt to Jones, March 10, 1824, pp. 10-11.
167. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Pratt to Jones, March 10, 1824, p. 12.
168. Ibid., Jones to Secretary, August 29, 1823, p. 15.
169. Ibid., Jones to Dandeson Coates, October 30, 1823, p. 77.
170. Fleming, op. cit., pp. 60-61.
171. Oliver, op. cit., Simpson to Colville, May 31, 1824, Vol. I, p. 259.
172. Fleming, op. cit., p. 95.
173. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Jones to Pratt, June 1, 1824, p. 78.
174. Ibid., Jones to Pratt, July 24, 1824, pp. 80-81.
175. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Coates to Jones, March 11, 1825, p. 17.
176. Ibid., Bickersteth to Garrioch, February 22, 1826, p. 18.
177. Ibid, Bickersteth to Jones, February 7, 1826, p. 20.
178. Ibid., Coates to Jones, February 26, 1826, p. 22.
179. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1833, Coates to Jones, February 26, 1826, p. 24.S
180. Ibid., Bickersteth to Cochran, March 6, 1826, p. 26.
181. Oliver, op. cit., p. 60, citing Palliser, Explorations in British North America (1857), p. 60.
182. Bulletin, Vol. III, Provencher to Panet, July 1, 1829, pp. 129-130.
183. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-1862, Cochran to Bickersteth, August 3, 1829, p. 342.
184. Ibid., Cochran to Coates, August 5, 1829, p. 345.
185. Sarah Tucker, The Rainbow in the North, (London, 1856), p. 67.
186. Ibid., Jones to Coates, August 14, 1829, p. 341.
187. C.M.S, Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-62, Alexander Ross to C.M.S., August 10, 1829, p. 340.
188. Ibid., Jones to C.M.S., August 5, 1830, p. 411.
190. Ibid., Jones to Bickersteth, November 26, 1830, p. 419.
192. Ibid., W. R. Smith to C.M.S., July 29, 1831, p. 441.
193. C.M.S., Mission Book, Incoming Letters, 1822-62, Cochran to C.M.S., August 9, 1832, p. 454.
194. Ibid., Jones to C.M.S., August 14, 1832, p. 445.
195. Ibid., Jones to Lay Secretary, July 25, 1832, p. 485.
196. T. C. B. Boon, The Anglican Church from the Bay to the Rockies (Toronto, 1962), p. 96, n. 7.
197. W. J. Healy, Women of Red River (Winnipeg, 1923), pp. 17-18, 23.
198. Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement (Minneapolis, 1957), p. 132.
Page revised: 22 May 2010
